The Declaration of The Hague
17 maart 2009
"The Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the international community met today in The Hague to reaffirm their long-term partnership to serve the people of Afghanistan, their security, prosperity and human rights." This could be the opening sentence of the final declaration issued at the end of the Afghanistan conference that will be co-hosted by the Dutch government in The Hague on the 31st of March. Politically correct, predictable and, but for the change from Paris to The Hague, identical to the declaration issued at the end of the international Afghanistan conference held in Paris in June last year. According to the recently launched website of the Afghanistan Conference 2009, the conference should "reaffirm the solid and long-term commitment of the international community to supporting the Government of Afghanistan in shaping a better future for Afghanistan and its people." In my view, the conference should aim higher and the Declaration of The Hague should do more than list the obvious. Solemn undertakings in earlier declarations to strengthen Afghan institutions, establish the rule of law, train Afghan police and army, fight corruption, support democratic elections and improve aid effectiveness, though seemingly ambitious, have done little to stem the tide of rising violence and insecurity on the ground. It is time to take a fresh look at what we are doing in Afghanistan and what that means for the people of Afghanistan. The Declaration of The Hague should be ambitious and at the same time realistic: catching the Obama momentum for change and setting a workable agenda for stabilizing Afghanistan. What are the key-elements of a meaningful Declaration of The Hague? 1. A regional approach. The United Nations has invited 73 countries to attend this conference, including countries that contribute troops to the ISAF mission, Afghanistan's neighbors, the five permanent members of the Security Council and countries with former or current ties to Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Among the most important and unusual suspects are Pakistan, Iran, India, China, Russia, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Saudi Arabia. Key to resolving the situation in Afghanistan is getting a grip on the situation in Pakistan, addressing the relationship between India and Pakistan, settling the unrecognized border between Afghanistan and Pakistan and acknowledging the strategic concerns of key regional players such as Russia, China, Pakistan and Iran. All -but Iran- nuclear powers.
2. Talking to the Taliban. Resolving the situation in Afghanistan requires a gigantic diplomatic offensive at different levels by the world's top diplomats. Regionally, to manage the immediate environment of Afghanistan and to prevent Pakistan from sliding further into chaos. Across borders, towards the Pashtun tribal belt and locally in Pakistan and Afghanistan, towards the Taliban and other insurgent groups. The Afghan government has been exploring the potential for negotiations with Taliban leaders, including the top-leadership in Pakistan. These efforts should be backed up by the international community without pre-set notions about who to talk to and who to pursue militarily. Without diplomatic offensive, a military surge or enhanced development efforts are destined to fail. The recent appointment of ambassador Holbrooke as special envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan indicates a new emphasis on diplomacy as well as a regional approach. 3. An overall plan. Sustaining the gains of a diplomatic effort requires a comprehensive plan for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Too many actors, military and civilian, work cross-purposes or according to different priorities and strategies. The participants at The Hague, inspired by the insights gained by the policy review of the Obama administration, must agree on what needs to be done and how to achieve it in a concerted manner, respecting the mandate and strength of individual actors engaged in the region. The plan should aim to strengthen the legitimate civilian leadership in both Afghanistan and Pakistan, avoid civilian casualties and focus on delivering what the Afghans want.
4. Perception. Too often, the mission in Afghanistan, which is a UN-authorized effort, is perceived as a western plot to safeguard western interests. It is important that non-western countries, such as the Asian and Arab countries present at the conference, and NGOs from these countries participate in the efforts of the international community in Afghanistan. The presence of representatives of 73 countries offers a unique opportunity to commit new players to the cause of Afghanistan. The Hague, city of peace and justice, owes it to the Afghan people to produce more than just words.







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